Andrew Korybko
This
might be the only way to ensure Ukraine’s demilitarization if diplomacy fails
Putin will soon be faced with the fateful choice of either
keeping Russia’s ground campaign limited to those four former Ukrainian regions
that voted to join Russia in September 2022’s referenda or expanding it to
include Sumy, Dniepropetrovsk, and/or (once again) Kharkov Regions. The second
scenario is attractive is because it could enable Russia to go around frontline
defenses in Donbass and/or Zaporozhye and thus advance its goal of fully
capturing the entirety of the regions that it claims.
The precedent for doing so rests in last May’s push into Kharkov, which aimed to achieve in Donbass what the abovementioned Dniepropetrovsk push could achieve in Zaporozhye, but it quickly stalemated and didn’t achieve the intended goal. The battlefield conditions have changed quite a lot since then so perhaps even a push into Sumy Region, which is much further away from the disputed territories, could have a chance of setting into motion a domino effect if it’s only just comparatively more successful.
Ditto for if Russia simultaneously advances into all three –
Sumy, Kharkov, and Dniepropetrovsk Regions – but doing so, or even just
significantly advancing into one of them, risks making Trump mistakenly think that
Putin was just buying time with their talks and isn’t sincere about peace. That
perception might then prompt an overreaction that could see him strictly enforcing secondary sanctions on
Russian energy in order to deal a heavy financial blow to the Kremlin and/or
pulling out all the stops in arming Ukraine.
Nevertheless, “hardliners” might
still try to persuade Putin to risk that on the presumption that Trump is
bluffing about “escalating to de-escalate” if their talks fail, but that’ll be
difficult to pull off since Putin is the consummate pragmatist and
thus averse to taking major risks. That said, they might get him to act more
boldly then usual by arguing that further on-the-ground gains might be what’s
ultimately required to force Ukraine to peace on Russia’s terms, after which it
can then withdraw from those other regions.
Apart from the aforesaid motive, this sequence of events is also
predicated on Putin expecting that the Europeans would defy Trump by continuing
to pump Ukraine full of arms even if the US cuts it off yet again,
which would turn any ceasefire into an opportunity for Kiev to rearm to
Russia’s disadvantage. It could therefore accordingly follow that Russia’s only
realistic recourse might be to expand its ground campaign into Sumy,
Dniepropetrovsk, and/or Kharkov Regions to continue demilitarizing Ukraine.
On that note, this would advance the proposed goal of creating a
demilitarized “Trans-Dnieper” region east of the river and north of the
territories that Russia claims as its own, which was elaborated on here. Everything leading up to this scenario
takes for granted that Trump won’t meaningfully “escalate to de-escalate”, or
that this wouldn’t impede Russia’s expanded ground campaigns, and that the
Europeans won’t conventionally intervene either. None of this can be taken for
granted, though, so it’s a huge risk.
For that reason, Putin might continue playing it safe for now by
keeping Russia’s ground campaign limited to the four former Ukrainian regions
that Moscow claims as its own, though perhaps authorizing small-scale advances
into adjacent regions on a case-by-case basis. These could be approved to chase
retraining Ukrainian soldiers to their next major fortifications in Sumy,
Dniepropetrovsk, and/or Kharkov Regions in order press Russia’s advantage but
without seriously besieging those areas for the time being.
The purpose could be to signal Russia’s ground escalation
dominance so that Trump does his utmost to coerce Ukraine into concessions in
order to avoid the broader escalation that he might otherwise feel pressured to
go through with to “save face” if Russia achieves a breakthrough and steamrolls
westward. This sort of “goodwill gesture” would be different from the prior
ones in the sense that Russia would continue advancing while negotiating
instead of pulling back like before for the sake of clinching a deal.
All the same, Russia would also exercise self-restraint by not
fully pressing its advantage since that could prompt an overreaction from the
US that might dangerously complicate the peace process. So long as Russia’s
intentions are communicated to the US in advance, any escalation should remain
manageable. This approach would still entail some risks, but typically cautious Putin might
feel comfortable enough with their reduced odds to conclude that the
potentially game-changing benefits are worth it.
Andrew Korybko, Substack,
March 19, 2025
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