Andrew Korybko
The Russian-Polish security dilemma will likely serve
as the impetus for fully unleashing and properly managing the capabilities of
European NATO as a whole per the US’ National Defense Strategy
RT drew
attention in late January to a report by Izvestia about the West’s alleged
plans to launch a “Defense,
Security, and Resilience Bank” (DSRB) by 2027. Their article relies on
in-depth research by the Atlantic
Council, which came up with the idea of what was at first called the “NATO
Bank”. The purpose is to provide “low-interest loans for defense
modernization”, thus facilitating the goal of NATO members spending 5% of GDP
on defense without significantly curtailing social and infrastructure spending.
Instead of slashing such
programs to redirect funds to defense at the risk of helping
populist-nationalists during the next elections and/or provoking unrest, they’d
only spend a fraction of the principal each year servicing their DSRB loan
instead of paying the cost upfront as if it was part of their annual
expenditures. The Executive Summary of the Atlantic Council’s in-depth research
hyperlinked to above also notes that “An additional critical function of the
DSR bank would be to underwrite the risk for commercial banks”.
This would then “enabl[e] them to extend financing to defense companies across the supply chain.” The supplementary purpose is to finance large-scale orders that these companies themselves are unable to afford on their own and most member states can’t finance either without potential populist pushback. Defense companies can then expand production, pump out the requested military-technical equipment at scale, and then sell it at a much more affordable price for accelerating NATO’s planned militarization.
The bloc’s Eastern
Flank, which largely overlaps with the Polish-led “Three
Seas Initiative”, is expected to benefit the most. Poland is already poised
to receive €44
billion in loans from the EU’s €150 billion “Security Action For
Europe” program (SAFE, which is part of the €800 billion “ReArm
Europe Plan”). This should help modernize its embarrassingly
underdeveloped military-industrial complex and thus enable Poland to
serve as the regional core of associated processes across the rest of the
Eastern Flank.
The aforesaid role would
become much more likely if it and Lithuania succeed in creating a defense-centric
cross-border economic zone across the Suwalki Corridor/Gap like the
latter just proposed. The US National
Defense Strategy assessed that “European NATO dwarfs Russia in
economic scale, population, and, thus, latent military power.” This potential
just needs to be fully unleashed and properly managed. Poland could pioneer the
way if it allows the US to advise it on the optimal use of SAFE and DSRB loans.
It was already assessed that “Poland
Will Play A Central Role In Advancing The US’ National Security Strategy In
Europe” so it therefore naturally follows that it’ll play a central role in
the National Defense Strategy too. Poland already spends more of its GDP on
defense than any other NATO member at 4.8%,
however, so anything much more might result in curtailing social and
infrastructure spending, but therein lies the importance of the DSRB for
enabling Poland to avert that trade-off as was explained.
Poland’s debt-to-GDP is
55.1%, which is far below the EU’s 80.7%, so it could take on more debt through
these means without too much socio-political discomfort. This is feasible after
Poland just became a $1
trillion economy. Any additional military spending fueled by the DSRB would
further accelerate Poland’s unprecedented militarization, which has led to it
having the EU’s
largest army at over 215,000 troops, with plans to reach 300,000
by 2030 and half
a million by 2039 (200,000 of which would be reservists).
From Russia’s perspective,
this poses a serious threat to Kaliningrad and
allied Belarus,
ergo why it’s expected to correspondingly bolster its forces there in response.
That could also include the deployment of more strategic arms to Belarus like
tactical nukes, hypersonic Oreshniks, and/or whatever else it might develop by
then. Such responses are in turn expected to be portrayed by Poland as the
reason for its unprecedented militarization that policymakers might then demand
to be sped up even further.
The Russian-Polish security
dilemma, which is due to their millennium-old
rivalry and the US’ empowering of Poland as an anti-Russian proxy,
will likely serve as the impetus for fully unleashing and properly managing the
capabilities of European NATO as a whole per the US’ National Defense Strategy.
Any progress in this direction would compel Russia to keep pace with this
hostile bloc’s Polish-led militarization, therefore resulting in its own
continued militarization and consequently an arms race.
Unlike European NATO members
which will have to take out loans to finance this, hence the purpose of the
DSRB, Russia can finance everything on its own. This places Russia in a much
better financial position than its adversaries, some of whom are expected to
struggle with balancing their perceived military priorities with their
objective socio-economic ones. Accordingly, Russia has the edge in this
impending arms race with Europe, but the EU’s potential federalization could
narrow the gap if it ever happens.
Andrew Korybko, Substack,
March 4, 2026
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