Andrew Korybko
This is the grand strategic context within which
Russia’s talks with the US and Ukraine are taking place
Casual observers are convinced
that Trump is a madman with no method behind his madness, but the reality is
that he and his team – collectively known as Trump 2.0 – are slowly but surely
implementing their grand strategy against China. Every one of their moves
abroad should be seen as a means to this end. They want to comprehensively
contain China and then coerce it into a lopsided trade deal that “rebalance[s]
China’s economy toward household consumption” per the National
Security Strategy.
Trump 2.0 doesn’t want to go
to war over this, however, which is why they’re careful
to avoid replicating the Imperial Japanese precedent. Piling too much
economic-structural pressure on China at once could spook it into lashing out
in desperation before the window of opportunity closes. They therefore decided
to gradually deprive
China of access to markets and resources, ideally through a series of trade
deals, in order to imbue the US with the indirect leverage required to
peacefully derail China’s superpower rise.
The US’ trade deals with the EU and India could ultimately result in them curtailing China’s access to their markets under pain of punitive tariffs if they refuse. In parallel, the US’ special operation in Venezuela, pressure against Iran, and simultaneous attempts to subordinate Nigeria and other leading energy producers could curtail China’s access to the resources required for fueling its superpower rise. The combined effect thus far is already placing immense pressure upon China to cut a deal with the US.
This is the grand strategic
context within which Russia’s
talks with the US and Ukraine are taking place. It too is coming under
immense pressure after Trump 2.0 unexpectedly (from their view) perpetuated the
proxy war in Ukraine, pioneered a breakthrough to Central Asia through last
August’s “Trump
Route for International Peace and Prosperity” across the South
Caucasus, and got India to curtail
its oil imports. Russia must now decide whether to cut its
own deal with the US or become more dependent on China.
The first scenario could
include a resource-centric strategic partnership with the US in exchange for
compromising on its maximalist goals in Ukraine, which could deprive China of
access to the deposits that the US invests in as explained here.
As for the second scenario, Russia could continue its special operation indefinitely
with growing Chinese support in exchange for China receiving unrestricted
access to its resources at bargain-basement prices, thus greatly helping China
prepare for war with the US.
Framed in this way, reaching a
deal with Russia could facilitate China’s strategic surrender to the US without
spiking the risk of war, while failing to do so could spike the risk of war if
Russia turns itself into China’s raw materials reserve for the aforesaid reason
and with the same outcome vis-à-vis the US. This imbues Putin with leverage
vis-à-vis Trump 2.0, but they’re also not desperate to reach a deal with Putin
at any cost, ergo why they haven’t coerced
Zelensky into his demanded concessions and might never.
If Trump 2.0 can’t cut a deal with Putin, then they’ll prepare for war with China, which their National Defense Strategy envisages given its explicitly declared World War-like military build-up. Be that as it may, replicating the Imperial Japanese precedent in that case dangerously risks a 21st-century Pearl Harbor, thus imperiling their planned restoration of unipolarity. It’s therefore better for Trump 2.0 to coerce Zelensky into giving Putin what he wants in order to continue peacefully containing China instead.
Andrew Korybko, Substack,
February 22, 2026
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