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Obama answers questions during news conference in the Brady Press Briefing Room. Photo: AP |
Last week John Nolte of Breitbart observed that the mainstream
media had failed to break any of the controversial news occupying Washington.
This week Paul Farhi of the Washington Post, without intending to, explained why.
There are four stories harming President Obama’s approval rating, and the heirs of Tarbell and Woodward
and Novak uncovered none of them. The long-simmering tale of what happened
before, during, and after the attack on the American consulate in Benghazi,
Libya, on Sept. 11, 2012, was all but ignored by media other than Fox until
Gregory Hicks’ blockbuster testimony before the House Oversight Committee last
month. It was the IRS, in a carefully planned “apology,” that revealed to the
world it had targeted the applications of conservative and Tea Party groups for
special scrutiny. The Justice Department, not the press, announced it had been
scouring AP phone records to plug national security leaks. And Edward Snowden,
the contractor who exposed secret intelligence, went to the Guardian,
a left-wing British rag, with his scoop. (Only when Snowden’s anti-anti-terror
accomplice Laura Poitras suggested, in the words of Guardian writer
Glenn Greenwald, “It would be good to have the Washington Post invested in the leak, so it wasn’t just us—to tie in official Washington in the leak” did
the three filtradorsapproach former Post reporter
Barton Gellman.)
Four stories, four separate
races in which the establishment press, the major print dailies and the heavily
watched network broadcasts, are sweating to catch up. “We are getting big stories
wrong, over and over again,” said Scott Pelley, the anchor of the CBS evening
news, in a speech at Quinnipiac University in May. Did he, did anybody, read the
June 13 Washington Post, I wonder; did Pelley’s eye scan the
innocuous headline—“Media, administration deal with conflicts”—and the
well-kneaded copy below? If so he would have learned much about life in the
capital city.
“Conflicts” is not the best
description of Farhi’s subject. His topic is marriages, unions, and blood,
legal and romantic and familial connections between individuals where one party
works in media and another works in politics. The extent of such links is
staggering. Farhi has to interrupt his story to announce, in a parenthetical,
that Post reporter Sari Horwitz, who covers the Justice
Department, is married to William B. Schultz, who is Kathleen Sebelius’ top
lawyer at the Department of Health and Human Services. Ben Sherwood, the
president of ABC News, is brother to Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall, “a top
national security adviser to President Obama.” Another Obama national security
aide, Ben Rhodes, is brother to David Rhodes, president of CBS News. One of
CNN’s top D.C. hacks is married to Tom Nides, whose upward career trajectory
has taken him from the office of Democratic congressional powerbroker Tony
Coelho to, where else, Fannie Mae, Credit Suisse, and Morgan Stanley, as well
as a two-year stint as an undersecretary of state for Hillary Clinton. Whose
daughter is on contract with NBC.
White House spokesman Jay
Carney, who worked for many years at Timemagazine, is married to
Claire Shipman, a correspondent for ABC News. The White House correspondent for
NPR, Ari Shapiro, has been married to former White House counsel Michael Gottlieb since 2004. Longtime NPR personality Michele Norris went on
leave in 2011, when her husbandBroderick Johnson,
a corporate lawyer who served in the Clinton White House, joined the Obama
reelection campaign as a full-time adviser. Wall Street Journal political
reporter Neil King is married to Shailagh Murray, who serves as communications
director for Vice President Joe Biden, and who used to report on Congress for
the Post. Savannah Guthrie of NBC recently became engaged to Mike Feldman, a former Gore aide who is now part of the Democratic Glover Park
Group consultancy. Syndicated columnist Connie Schultz is married to Democratic
Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio.
Tracing these associations is
enough to keep busy any student of the caste. Assurances from
mainstream media outlets that “they’ve worked out the conflicts” that might
arise from deep ties between reporters, editors, and government
employees, Farhi reports, “hasn’t stopped a few eyebrows from being
raised.” You can guess whose eyebrows are those. Farhi quotes the great MarkSteyn, who wrote on National Review Online in May, “The
inbreeding among Obama’s court and its press corps is more like one of those
‘I’m my own grandpaw’ deals.” The journalists, though, aren’t laughing. “Such
insinuations make media types bristle.”
And oh, how they bristle.
“There is zero evidence, zero, that [Sherwood’s relationship to his
sister] has had any impact on our coverage,” ABC spokesman Jeffrey
Schneider tells the Post. Employing the old reporter mind trick of
using paraphrase to inject one’s viewpoint into an article, Farhi writes of
“media types” who “take exception to the notion that complicated judgments
about the news—often made by others within an organization—have anything to do
with personal favorites or familial relationships.” Media types take
precautions. Work is “closely monitored.” Recusals are sometimes demanded.
Journalists can be reassigned.
The mainstream media says it
goes to great lengths, then, to avoid the whiff of bias, to guard against a
reputation for compromised integrity. But there are no prophylactic measures
against living in a shared culture, attending the same schools, uttering the
same clichéd small talk, and breathing the same atmosphere of conventional
wisdom. What matters here are not the relationships themselves but the closed
and impenetrable bubble in which they exist. Why would network executives and New
York Times editors put resources into investigating Benghazi when
their friends and relatives and trusted informants tell them the only people
who care about the story are the cranks at Fox? Why would journalists adopt an
adversarial relation to the government for which their spouses, relatives,
romances, friends, and social betters work? No specific conflict can be easily
identified because all of the bias occurs prior to the actual
manufacturing of news: in the punches pulled, in what stories are selected, in
what position is assumed by writers and editors, in which experts are judged knowledgeable,
“objective,” “straight-shooters” and which are not.
So closed-minded is the
community of right-thinkers who live in the Northeast corridor, who work at our
banks and universities and media outlets and governments, that the slightest
hint of alternative thinking causes them to spasm in revolt. At times the
revolt can be petty and snarky and mocking, as in this recording of journalists laughing at Weekly Standard writer
John McCormack’s serious questioning of Nancy Pelosi on late-term abortion. At
times the revolt is furious and unrelenting, bringing political measures such
as boycotts, firing, even legislation to bear to suppress dissent—as in the hysteria
that has accompanied discussions of Charles and David Koch possibly buying the Los
Angeles Times. What unites these reactions is the shared sense of tribal
affiliation. We, the objective, the rational, the scientific, must not be
tainted by the faithful, the irrational, the zealous.
Overprotective,
over-solicitous, making excuses, indulgent, sympathetic, understanding,
partial, antagonistic to outsiders—this is how the mainstream media has behaved
during the years Barack Obama has been president. And it is exactly how you
would behave, too. If your family were at stake.
Matthew Continetti,
The Washington Free Beacon,
June 14, 2013 5:00 am
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