Simon Romero
SÃO PAULO, Brazil — Even as President Dilma
Rousseff of Brazil has moved energetically to stamp out corruption in her
government, a new scandal is surging to the fore, centered on charges of
influence peddling by an aide to the popular former president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
The latest revelations have put the governing
Workers Party on the defensive yet again, as investigators expose a bribery
scheme across several high echelons of government.
The scheme largely involved selling falsified
public documents needed for transportation projects, and it extended into the
attorney general’s office, the Education Ministry and the regulatory agencies
for civil aviation and ports, according to the federal police, which carried
out raids of government offices here in São Paulo and in the capital, Brasília,
in recent days.
The breadth of the scandal is rocking governing
institutions just as the ground breaking trial of defendants in another scandal,
a vote-buying scheme involving Mr. da Silva’s former chief of staff, winds
down. The newest scandal was not as vast as the cash-for-votes conspiracy —
called the mensalão, or “big monthly allowance,” in a reference to the regular
bribes received by legislators — that went to trial. But it points to how
corruption remains ingrained in Brazil’s political system.
“Perhaps the mensalão wasn’t the watershed that
was celebrated, but rather a partial game-changer,” said David Fleischer,
emeritus professor of political science at the University of Brasília.
Like the mensalão, this month’s scandal already
has a catchy moniker, with political journalists dubbing it “Rosegate,” a riff on Watergate and the condensed
name of Rosemary Nóvoa de Noronha, the former head of the presidential office
here in São Paulo, who has emerged at the center of attention.
Mr. da Silva named Ms. Nóvoa de Noronha in 2003 to
lead his office here, and his successor, Ms. Rousseff, kept her in that
position until she was dismissed last Saturday. She is facing charges of
influence peddling. Several other senior officials have been forced from their
posts, including the No. 2 official in the attorney general’s office, José
Weber Holanda Alves.
Throughout the years, Ms. Nóvoa de Noronha gained
prominence in government circles thanks to her proximity to Mr. da Silva and her scheduling of his
meetings in São Paulo, Brazil’s financial capital and his home before rising to
the presidency. She obtained a diplomatic passport and accompanied him on trips
to 23 countries from 2007 to 2010.
Investigators say she also assisted Paulo Vieira,
a regulatory official who organized the false-documents scheme, by arranging
meetings for him. In return, they say she received cruise-ship voyages, plastic
surgery, money and legal advice for a divorce. She also obtained
strategic-level postings for at least two officials in the scheme, including
Mr. Vieira, in addition to well-paid public jobs for her daughter and husband.
Senior figures in the Workers Party have said it
would be wrong to associate Mr. da Silva with Ms. Nóvoa de Noronha. José
Chrispiniano, a spokesman here for Mr. da Silva, declined to comment on the
matter, saying that nothing was found linking the former president to the
investigation.
Simon Romero, The New York Times, November 30, 2012
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