But
Does the E.U. Really Want Britain to Leave?
Peter Gumbel
In the 40 years since
Britain joined the Common Market, it has managed to infuriate most of its
European partners at one point or another — and sometimes all of them
simultaneously. Margaret Thatcher famously brought European decisionmaking to a
halt in 1984 until Britain was granted a rebate she deemed satisfactory on its
contributions to the budget, and there have been many other flaming rows before
and since, over issues ranging from fishing to finance. So it's not surprising,
at a time when Prime Minister David Cameron is openly raising the possibility
of a British exit from the E.U., that some people on the Continent are saying,
"Good riddance."
Cameron believes Britain's relationship with the E.U. needs to be changed. Photo: Oli Scarff / Getty Images |
For the reality is
that, despite its sharp elbows and often imperious attitude, Britain has
actually played a defining role in the E.U., helping to shape many of the
policies that best characterize it today. Europe's relatively open attitude to
international trade, its consumer-focused competition policy that has no time
for "national champions" and its broadly Atlanticist view of the
world in which the U.S. is fundamentally a partner rather than a counterweight:
all of these have British fingerprints on them.
The U.K. didn't act
alone, but its role has been significant because it's willing, and usually
eager, to fight for principles. "The Brits are prepared to take the rap
and be strident about it, at all levels," says one veteran official at the
European Commission. For example, Germany and some other northern European
countries are no less keen than Britain on unfettered domestic markets, but
when Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007 tried to remove a reference to "free and
undistorted competition" in a new E.U. treaty, it was Prime Minister Tony
Blair and his Chancellor Gordon Brown who wrestled the French President to the
ground. Would other countries have reacted as strongly if the Brits hadn't been
there? No, reckons Alec Burnside, managing partner at the Brussels office of
U.S. law firm Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft. If Britain were to leave the
E.U., "the risk is that the 'Sarkozy school' would stage further
ambushes."
This is precisely the
sort of outcome that Charles de Gaulle feared when he twice effectively vetoed
Britain's application to join the European Economic Community, in 1963 and
1967. At the time, de Gaulle argued that Britain's economy was incompatible
with that of the six founding members — France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands and Luxembourg — and accused it of being hostile to European
integration. On that point, he was prescient: Britain has tended to be at best
skeptical about tighter integration, pushing instead for a more open E.U.,
which has since grown to 27 members.
Not all the spats
have been with France. It was a French president of the European Commission,
Jacques Delors, who implemented the landmark "single market" program
in the late 1980s, egged on by London and with the help of a British
commissioner, Leon Brittan, who oversaw key parts of the program. Britain and
France, both nuclear powers, also work closely together to determine the bloc's
defense and security policy. Just this month they joined forces in Mali.
London has also lost some of the arguments. It
failed to prevent E.U. legislation on social issues including working hours and
labor representation on boards, and instead simply opted out of them. It's
noticeably absent from two of the E.U.'s biggest projects: the single currency
and the Schengen Agreement that allows movement from country to country without
passport controls.
If Britain really
were to leave the E.U. — and for all his saber rattling, Cameron wants to stay
in the union, just on improved terms — the current delicate balance between
powers would undoubtedly be altered. France would be a very junior partner to
Germany economically but the dominant power militarily. That might present an
opportunity for Italy and Spain, and perhaps Poland, to play a more central
role in policymaking.
But who will stand up
and shout for greater accountability and less dirigisme? Who will complain
about overpaid Eurocrats and wasteful farm subsidies? The Franco-German TV
channel Arte this month ran a program anticipating Britain's exit from the E.U.
in 2015. Its conclusion: "Even if the British have been a pain, it's
better to have them in than out." That pretty much sums up the prevailing
sentiment on the Continent.
Peter Gumbel, TIME,
January 28, 2013
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