Andrew Korybko
This is
meant to symbolize the reduction of American military aid to Kiev, not function
as the first step towards a complete withdrawal from Poland or Central &
Eastern Europe as a whole
The Pentagon announced on
Monday that US forces will withdraw from Poland’s Rzeszow logistics hub for
Ukraine and reposition elsewhere in the country according to (a hitherto
undisclosed) plan. This was then followed the day after by NBC
News reporting that Trump might soon
withdraw half of the 20,000 US troops that Biden sent to Central & Eastern
Europe (CEE) since 2022. According to their sources, the bulk will be pulled
from Poland and Romania, the two largest countries on NATO’s eastern flank.
The Polish President, Prime Minister, and Defense Minister were
all quick to claim that Monday’s repositioning doesn’t amount to nor presages a
withdrawal of US forces from Poland, but speculation still swirls about Trump’s
plans considering the nascent Russian-US “New Détente”. Putin
requested in late 2021 that the US remove its forces from CEE so as to restore
Washington’s compliance with the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act whose many
violations worsened the Russian-US security dilemma.
Biden’s refusal to discuss this helped make the latest phase of the now over-decade-long Ukrainian Conflict inevitable by convincing Putin that what would soon be known as the special operation was the only way to restore the increasingly lopsided strategic balance between Russia and the US. Unlike Biden, Trump appears open to at least partial compliance with Putin’s request, which could become one among several pragmatic mutual compromises that they’re negotiating to normalize ties and end the proxy war.
It was assessed in late February that “Trump Is Unlikely To Pull All US Troops Out
Of Central Europe Or Abandon NATO’s Article 5”, but he’ll
probably withdraw some of them from there for redeployment to Asia in order to
more muscularly contain China as part of his administration’s planned eastern
pivot. There are currently around 10,000 US troops in
Poland, up from approximately 4,500 before
the special operation, so some could hypothetically be cut but still leave with
Poland more than before 2022.
Poland’s outgoing conservative president wants as many US troops
as possible, including the redeployment of some from Germany,
while its incumbent liberal Prime Minister is flirting with the possibility of
either relying on France to balance the US or outright pivoting towards the
former. The outcome of next month’s presidential election will play a huge role
in determining Polish policy in this regard and could be influenced by
perceptions (accurate or not) of America abandoning Poland.
Any curtailment of US troops in Poland or the public’s belief
that this is inevitable could play to the pro-European liberal candidate’s
favor while an explicit confirmation of the US’ commitment to retain – let
alone expand – the existing level could help the pro-American conservative and
populist ones. Even if Poland’s next president is a liberal, however, the US
might still be able to count on the country as its regional bastion of military and political
influence if the Trump Administration plays its
cards rights.
For that to happen, the US would have to retain more troops
there than it had before 2022 even if some are withdrawn, ensure that this
level remains above any other CEE country’s, and transfer some military
technologies for joint production. The first imperative would psychologically
reassure the politically Russophobic population that they won’t be abandoned,
the second relates to their regional prestige,
and the third would keep CEE within the US military-industrial ecosystem amidst EU competition.
This could be sufficient for counteracting the liberals’
possible plans to pivot towards France at the expense of the US’ influence or
maintaining the US’ predominant position in Poland if a liberal President works
with his like-minded Prime Minister to rely on France for balancing the US a
bit. Even if the Trump Administration fumbles this opportunity due to a lack of
vision or a fully liberal government in Poland picks fights with the US for
ideological reasons, the US isn’t expected to completely dump Poland.
The vast majority of Poland’s military equipment is American,
which will at the very least lead to the continued supply of spare parts and
likely lay the basis for even more arms deals.
US forces are also currently based in almost a dozen facilities across
the country, and the advisory role that some play helps shape Poland’s outlook,
strategies, and tactics during its ongoing military buildup. There’s
accordingly no reason why the US would voluntarily cede such influence over
what’s now NATO’s third-largest military.
As such, the most radical scenario of a full-blown liberal-led
Polish pivot towards France would be limited by the impracticality of replacing
American military wares with French ones anytime soon, with the furthest that
this might go being the hosting of nuclear-equipped Rafale fighters. Poland
could also invite some French troops into the country, including for advisory
purposes, and maybe even sign a few arms deals. It won’t, however, ask US
forces to leave since it wants to preserve their tripwire potential.
With the interplay of these interests in mind, it can be concluded that the US’ withdrawal from Poland’s Rzeszow logistics facility for Ukraine is meant to symbolize the reduction of American military aid to Kiev, not function as the first step towards a complete withdrawal from Poland or CEE as a whole. While some regional US troop reductions are possible as one among several pragmatic compromises that Trump might agree to with Putin for normalizing ties and ending the proxy war, a full pullout isn’t expected.
Andrew Korybko, Substack,
April 9, 2025
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