Andrew Korybko
Iran is poised to gradually return to the US-led
Western order within certain limits exactly as Iran’s moderate faction has long
wanted, its hardline faction has successfully preserved the armed forces and
their missile stockpile, while Israel achieved none of its goals in its most
epic defeat ever
Iran and the US plan to sign
a Zarif-inspired memorandum
of understanding (MoU) on ending the Third Gulf War this Friday in Switzerland.
The exact details aren’t yet known, and Fortune reported
that there were at least three competing texts, but all of them “include
similar elements around reopening the vital Strait of Hormuz waterway, giving
Iran sanctions relief and opening the door to longer-term negotiations around
its nuclear program.” That’s already enough to arrive at several very important
conclusions.
For starters, reopening the
strait without Iran’s wartime petroyuan
toll booth in place would represent a significant concession by the
Islamic Republic, whose media surrogates celebrated this
model as an historic multipolar milestone. The same goes for resuming
negotiations on its politically sensitive nuclear program. The sanctions relief
in exchange might arguably be worth it, however, judging by this estimate here of the
profound economic-financial damage caused by the US’ (imperfect) blockade.
On that topic, it was explained here in late March that “The US will have lost the Third Gulf War if China can still rely on Iran as a reliable low-cost energy supplier while turning the yuan into a global reserve currency that challenges the petrodollar”, so preventing both is imperative from the US’ perspective. With the petroyuan reportedly out of the picture, that leaves Iran’s oil export dependence on China, but sanctions relief could help gradually redirect its sales (such as to India) without disrupting the market.
Likewise, if reports about a $300
billion reconstruction fund for Iran are true (even if the final sum is much
lower but still tens of billions of dollars), then US and Gulf investments in
Iran’s energy industry could lead to them controlling its exports. It was
assessed in January that “The
US Wants To Replicate The Venezuelan Model In Iran”, which would be on the
path to implementation in that scenario. The resultant interdependence
could advance
collective security and facilitate
the US’ regional withdrawal.
Iran’s moderate (“reformist”)
and hardline (“principalist”) factions would therefore achieve some of their
goals, the first with respect to sanctions relief and the second with regards
to preserving the country’s (arguably battered) armed forces as well as their
missile stockpile, not to mention their political system. Nevertheless, the
factional balance would have shifted in the moderate’s favor since the US
wouldn’t sign a MoU if the moderates couldn’t control “rogue” hardliners, who
could potentially rekindle the war.
It can therefore be concluded
that the moderates beat the hardliners in Iran’s deep state power struggle, but
this was due to the US and Israel killing dozens of top hardline figures, after
which their respective institutions (especially the IRGC) were weakened and
ultimately tamed by the moderates. To be sure, “rogue” hardliners – regardless
of their relationship to the IRGC – could still sabotage the MoU, but Trump 2.0
feels comfortable enough that they won’t otherwise it wouldn’t go through with
the signing.
A new regional era is emerging whereby the Third Gulf War might very well lead to Iran’s gradual reincorporation into the US-led Western order, albeit within limits, which lays the groundwork for better ties with its Gulf neighbors. In that scenario, Israel would stand to lose since it could no longer divide-and-rule Iran and the Gulf, nor would the US have its back if Israel resumes hostilities with Iran due to the recent revival of the possibly irreconcilable Trump-Bibi rift. Israel is therefore the war’s biggest loser.
Andrew Korybko, Substack, June
15, 2026
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