Andrew Korybko
Neither average Russians nor the elite are capable of
influencing Putin, who’s the only person on the Russian side that decides when
the Ukrainian Conflict ends and on what terms, and not even a radical spike in
Ukrainian strikes is likely to convince him to de facto surrender like Zelensky
demands
Zelensky announced in a post on Telegram that
he approved a 40-day operation to influence Russia to end the Ukrainian
Conflict. The innuendo is that it should freeze the frontlines without
first obtaining full control over Donbass like Putin hoped would happen as the
quid pro quo per the reported
“Spirit of Anchorage” whereby Trump was supposed to first coerce
Zelensky into withdrawing from that region. Extrapolating further, Zelensky
probably also wants NATO
peacekeepers, which Russia shouldn’t oppose.
In pursuit of this end, which
would indisputably amount to a Russian defeat that Putin never signaled any
interest thus far in even countenancing no matter what might happen, Zelensky
will almost certainly ramp up his US-assisted
strikes against Russia. This can be intuited from him reporting in the
same post just before announcing his 40-day influence operation that he
received a briefing about these strikes. The timing also points to this being
his modus operandi considering September’s Duma elections.
As was assessed here in mid-May, Putin’s foes hope that United Russia fares worse than its 49.82% of the popular vote during the last elections in 2021, thus forcing it into a coalition with either the communist or nationalist opposition parties as a symbolic defeat for Putin. Zelensky’s 40-day influence operation will stretch into early August, thus giving Putin around six weeks to wrap up the conflict per Zelensky’s calculations and selling the outcome as a victory in order to boost his party’s ratings before the elections.
The problem with this plan,
other than Putin never having signaled that he’s interested in accepting what
would indisputably amount to Russia’s defeat, is that Zelensky explicitly
announced it. Average Russians who might consider voting for the communist,
nationalist, or other opposition parties as a form of protest and might have
also wanted Putin to wrap the special operation up soon will now think twice.
After all, that’s exactly what Zelensky wants, so they’d inadvertently be doing
their enemy’s bidding.
To be clear, Russians have the
right to vote for whoever they want and to have whatever opinion about
the special operation,
and the earlier hyperlinked analysis from mid-May also argues that a coalition
government might rejuvenate Russia by initiating a long-overdue process of
self-criticism and -reform. Nevertheless, Zelensky believes that Putin wants to
avoid that outcome at all costs, ergo his calculation that more strikes could
get average Russians and the elite alike to coerce him into de facto
surrendering.
Even if polling shows that
voters aren’t deterred by Zelensky’s explicitly declared influence operation
into reconsidering a large-scale protest vote and more elites publicly grumble,
neither has the power to force Putin to do anything. Average Russians embrace
the concept of “avos”,
or fatalism, and thus aren’t prone to protests while the elites have no
political influence. They’ll therefore carry on as usual even if Trump’s policy
of “escalating
to de-escalate” through a “war of
attrition” inflicts tremendous harm on Russia.
The only person on the Russian side with the power to end the conflict is Putin, and nobody has any influence over him. He’s dead-set on at least obtaining full control over Donbass and has proven that he’s willing to accept whatever the costs may be to have this happen. Putin is getting old and has been in office for one-quarter of a century so he’s likely thinking about his legacy, which would be marred if he doesn’t achieve this goal at minimum and instead de facto surrenders after nearly 4.5 years of fighting.
Andrew Korybko, Substack, June 29, 2026
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