Andrew Korybko
One of their leading foreign affairs commentators
argued that an infliction point has already supposedly been reached whereby
Russia’s strategic defeat is predestined, but upon scrutinizing the claims that
they presented in support of that conclusion, it’s clear that this isn’t the
case at all
CNN recently published an
article by Brett McGurk, who was the Biden Administration’s National Security
Council Coordinator on the Middle East-North Africa, declaring that “Russia
is losing in Ukraine. Xi has noticed — Trump should too”. The gist is that
shifting on-the-ground dynamics, speculative casualty counts, and Ukrainian
deep strikes inside Russia have already predestined Russia’s “strategic
defeat”. Xi is thus supposedly biding his time on Taiwan and Trump should put
more pressure on Putin.
In the order that McGurk made
his case, the on-the-ground dynamics first shifted after Russia’s pullback from
Kiev shortly after the special operation began
as part of the British-
and Polish-sabotaged Istanbul peace process, so there’s nothing new in
principle about the battlelines moving back and forth. As for his second point,
neither side’s estimates of their own and the other’s casualty counts should be
taken at face value as is the case in any conflict, nor should their respective
partners’ tallies be either.
And finally, Ukraine’s deep strikes inside Russia are a predictable outcome of this protracted conflict after Ukraine received unprecedented levels of military-technical, logistics, and intelligence support from NATO, thus making the gradual evolution of its respective capabilities unsurprising. Taken together, his claim that “Russia is losing in Ukraine” is premised on giving the arguments that he made the benefit of the doubt, which will only be done by those whose preexisting assumptions were confirmed by his piece.
To be fair, similar
counterarguments from the Russian side will only be given the benefit of the
doubt by those whose preexisting assumptions are also confirmed by them, but
there are three objectively existing points for supporters of both sides to
keep in mind. The first is that each side, Russia and NATO (which is fighting
Russia by proxy via Ukraine), has kept pace with the other’s military-technical
advances in an outcome that has thus far maintained their military-strategic
balance.
Second, this in turn raises
the chances (absent a breakthrough on either side) that the conflict will end
through a series of mutual compromises that falls short of each’s respective
maximalist goals, especially NATO’s initial one of forcibly expelling Russia by
proxy from all of Ukraine’s pre-2014 territory. And lastly, the global
processes that were catalyzed by the special operation accelerated
multipolarity in ways that are extremely difficult for the US-led West to
reverse, thus weakening its antebellum hegemony.
The preceding fact-check and
clarification of reality establish the context for assessing whether Trump 2.0
will take him up on his advice to put more pressure on Putin. Judging by the
recent scaling down of US forces in Germany and Poland,
which follows the National
Security and Defense
Strategies’ prioritization of the Western Hemisphere and the Indo-Pacific,
it’ll likely go unheeded. The US can’t risk a European imbroglio, let alone
during its ongoing West Asian one, so McGurk is likely to be disappointed.
All in all, the purpose of his
piece was to seed the narrative that Russia is already supposedly defeated so
it’s time for the US to “escalate to de-escalate” to finish it off with a
strategic victory for Ukraine, while debunking his piece serves to show that
the exact outcome of the conflict is far from decided. As was argued, the most
likely one is a series of mutual compromises that institutionalizes the new
European security architecture that has emerged throughout the conflict, but
some surprises might still be in store.
Andrew Korybko, Substack, June 7, 2026
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