sexta-feira, 23 de dezembro de 2022

Suspicious elections in Brazil: forensic analysis demonstrates even more evidence of falsehood in brazilian election data- as if it were needed

Technical study by an international group of forensic analysts indicates strong divergences between new voting machines and old voting machines. A regional analysis

Matt Tyrmand 

The recent Brazilian presidential elections are becoming an Interpol-level affair given massive criminality with much already proven and much more to be uncovered. What we know is already proven to be a world-class statistical scandal.

Every day that passes, new independent analysis appears that increasingly show the fragility of the corrupt system that has been installed in Brazil for counting votes and fabricating electoral results.

A group of forensic scientists made a new analysis of the electoral data of the second round, and showed new evidence of fraud, falsehood and artificial tampering of results. Technically the expression is “inconsistencies” or “anomalies” but when taken in totality- the only logical conclusion is outright fraud.

Considering all the recent facts, and that one of the judges of the Brazilian Electoral Court declared that “elections are not won, they are taken”, what might be called “anomalies” starts to acquire a more explicit status- “manipulation.”


Not long ago, the leader of the Brazilian judicial militia- behaving as judicial dictators more than the ministerial judges that their constitutional role mandates, Alexandre de Moraes, ordered the inclusion of Brazilian journalist Allan dos Santos on Interpol’s “red notice” list, for political reasons and without an official conviction, or even a formal charge.

Interpol refused to comply with the capture and extradition order (as is mandated by such designation) of this judge given this insane overreach. They saw what we observers of good faith also see: Allan dos Santos is a journalist and not a criminal.

From the look of Brazilian electoral data, and considering all the evidence of fraud and the falsification of results that has been uncovered in recent days, it is rather Moraes who should end up on international criminal capture list.

Trial at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague would be an appropriate venue if the Brazilian judiciary is still too infiltrated with those who abetted his crimes against the Brazilian constitution and citizenry.


In Brazilian public opinion Moraes already figures as “serial criminal” and “public enemy number one” to most citizens. Neither Moraes nor his Supreme Court colleagues can walk the streets or go to restaurants, whether in Brazil or in the United States, without being approached by Brazilians who question the lack of integrity and impartiality in the conduct of elections by the electoral court (TSE- the subsidiary court to the STF- the Brazilian Supreme Court…he heads both “deliberative” bodies).

On the day of the electoral certification (Monday December 12th, illegally pushed up one week by court fiat from the 19th in order to rush the process through), Moraes in the role of President of the Electoral Court, went to a celebration party for the candidate they had proclaimed winner, the ex-convict and ex-president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (“Lula”) that they had freed after he had served only 580 days of a 12 year prison sentence for public corruption (known as “Operation Carwash”. He had been tried in three courts and convicted of 12 charges unanimously by three panels of judges totaling 19 jurists. Upon his release they annulled his case, vacated his sentences, and expunged his record (given Brazil’s law that no convicted felon can run for public office).

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